Charles X, 1824–1830
The ascension to the throne of Charles X, the leader of the ultra-royalist faction, coincided with the ultras' power in the Chamber of Deputies; thus, the ministry of the comte de Villèle was able to continue, and the last "restraint" (i.e. Louis) on the ultraroyalists was removed.[42] As the country underwent a religious revival in the post-Revolutionary years, the ultras saw fit to upraise the status of the Roman Catholic Church once more.[42] (The Concordat of 11 June 1817 was set to replace the Concordat of 1801, but, despite being signed, it was never validated). The Villèle government, under pressure from the Chevaliers de la Foi (which many deputies were members of), voted the Anti-Sacrilege Act in January 1825, which punished by death the theft of consecrated hosts as parricide. The law was unenforceable and only enacted for symbolic purposes, though the act's passing caused a considerable uproar, particularly among the Doctrinaires.[43]
On 29 May 1825, Charles received his coronation inReims, in an opulent and spectacular ceremony that was reminiscent of the royal pomp of the coronations of theancien régime.[44] Some innovations were included, upon request by Villèle: though Charles was hostile towards the 1814 Charter, commitment to the 'constitutional charter' was affirmed, and four of Napoleon's generals were in attendance. The Reims Cathedral was decorated to portray the union of Altar and Throne, and Percier, the architect, adorned the building with neo-gothic décor, in a style that evoked the Middle Ages rather than classical antiquity, which he was renowned for (see: Empire style). Charles was anointed with the sacred oil brought from heaven by a dove in 496; prostrated himself before the altar; and received the ring, sceptre, hand of justice and then the crown. Charles even touched some people ill with scrofula[45] and some were reported to have recovered. Hugo, Lamartine, and Rossini lauded over the ceremony, while critics saw cause for alarm, and Béranger notoriously mocked the King in a song titled "The Coronation of King Charles the Simple": others went as far as to accuse Charles of being a crypto-Jesuit.[43][46][47]
In the months preceding the ceremony, the chambers approved legislation that paid an indemnity to émigrés, who had suffered by the confiscation of their lands during the Revolution, and the requirement that all children would inherit an equal share of land (thus ending the law of primogeniture). Although this law had been engineered by Louis, Charles was influential in seeing that it was passed. A bill to finance this compensation, by converting government debt (the rente) from 5% to 3% bonds, which would save the state 30 million francs a year in interest payments, was also put before the chambers. Villèle's government argued that rentiers had seen their returns grow disproportionately compared to their original investment, and that the redistribution was just and would reconcile émigrés to post-Revolutionary France, whereas the opposition accused the ultras of taking money from small investors for disloyal nobles; the bill was eventually defeated in the Peers, where there was still a liberal contingent sitting, mainly appointees of Decazes. When the bill to reimburse émigrés went through in April, at a cost to the state of approximately 988 million francs (le milliard des émigrés), it was financed by government bonds at a value of 600 million francs, at an interest rate of 3%. Around 18 million francs was paid to the émigrés per year.[48][49]
The state's payments were slower than expected, as the market value of the bonds fell; a quarter of those reimbursed received only 250 francs a year. Ironically, the main beneficiaries were perhaps the owners of biens nationaux (numbering around one million), as their property had been guaranteed as one of the conditions for the act's passing, which subsequently led to a rise in the value of their land.[50]
In 1826, Villèle introduced a bill reestablishing the law of primogeniture; at least, it would be automatic for owners of large estates unless they chose otherwise. The liberal Peers and press rebelled, as did some dissident ultras such as Chateaubriand. The forcefulness of this criticism prompted the government to introduce a bill to restrict the press in December (having largely withdrawn censorship in 1824);[51][52] this, however, only aggravated the ultras' opponents more, and the bill was withdrawn.[53]
The Villèle cabinet faced increasing pressure in 1827 from the liberal press, including the Journal des débats, which hosted Chateaubriand's articles. Chateaubriand, the most prominent of the anti-Villèle ultras, had combined with others opposed to press censorship laws (a new law had reimposed it on 24 July 1827) to form the Société des amis de la liberté de la presse; Choiseul, Salvandy and Villemain were among the contributors.[54] Another influential society was the Société, Aide-toi, le ciel t'aidera, which worked within the confines of legislation banning the unauthorized assemblage of more than 20 members. The group, emboldened by the rising tide of opposition, was of a more liberal composition (it was associated with Le Globe) and included members such as Guizot, Rémusat, and Barrot.[55] Pamphlets were sent out which evaded the censorship laws, and the group provided organizational assistance to liberal candidates against pro-government state officials in the November 1827 election.[56]
In April 1827, the king and Villèle were confronted by an unruly National Guard. The garrison which Charles reviewed, under orders to express deference to the king but disapproval of his government, instead shouted derogatory anti-Jesuit remarks at his devoutly Catholic niece, Marie-Thérèse, Madame la Dauphine. Villèle suffered worse treatment, as liberal officers led troops to protest at his office. In response, the Guard was disbanded.[56] Pamphlets continued to be proliferated, which included accusations in September that Charles, on a trip to the northerndépartments, was holed up Saint-Omer, was colluding with the Pope and planned to reinstate the tithe, and had suspended the Charter under the protection of a loyal garrison army.[57]
By the time of the election, the moderate royalists (constitutionalists) were also beginning to turn against Charles, as was the business community, in part due a financial crisis in 1825, that was blamed on the government's passing of the law of indemnification.[58][59] Hugo and a number of other writers, dissatisfied with the reality of life under Charles X, also began to criticize the regime.[60] In preparation for the 30 September registration cut-off for the election, opposition committees worked furiously to get as many voters as possible signed up, countering the actions of préfects, who began removing certain voters who had failed to provide up-to-date documents since the 1824 election. 18,000 voters were added to the 60,000 on the first list; despite préfect attempts to register those who met the franchise and were supporters of the government, this can mainly be attributed to opposition activity.[61] Organization was mainly divided behind Chateaubriand's Friends and the Aide-toi; the Aide-toi backed liberals, constitutionnels, and the contre-opposition (constitutional monarchists).[62]
The new chamber did not result in a clear majority for any side. Villèle's successor, the vicomte de Martignac (who began his term in January 1828), tried to steer a middle course, appeasing liberals by loosening press controls, expelling Jesuits, modifying electoral registration, and restricting the formation of Catholic schools.[63] Charles, unhappy with the new government, surrounded himself with men from the Chevaliers de la Foi and other ultras such as the Prince de Polignac and La Bourdonnaye. Martignac was deposed when his government lost a bill on local government. Charles and his advisers believed a new government could be formed with the support of the Villèle, Chateaubriand, and Decazes monarchist factions, but chose a chief minister, Polignac, in November 1829 who was repellant to the liberals and, worse, Chateaubriand. Though Charles remained nonchalant, the deadlock led some royalists to call for a coup, and prominent liberals for a tax strike.[64]
At the opening of the session, March 1830, the King delivered a speech that contained veiled threats to the opposition; in response, 221 deputies (an absolute majority) condemned the government, and Charles subsequently prorogued and then dissolved parliament. Charles retained a belief that he was popular amongst the unenfranchised mass of the people, and he and Polignac chose to pursue an ambitious foreign policy of colonialism and expansionism, with the assistance of Russia. France had intervened in the Mediterranean a number of times after Villèle's resignation, and expeditions were now sent to Greece and Madagascar. Polignac also initiated French colonization in Algeria; victory was announced over the Dey of Algiers in early June. Plans were drawn up to invade Belgium, which was shortly to undergo its own revolution. However, foreign policy did not prove sufficient to divert attention from domestic problems.[65][66]
Charles's dissolution of the chamber of deputies, his July Ordinances, which set up rigid control of the press, and his restriction of suffrage resulted in the July Revolution of 1830. The major cause of the regime's downfall, however, was that, while it managed to keep the support of the aristocracy, the Catholic Church and even much of the peasantry, the ultras' cause was deeply unpopular outside of parliament and with those who did not hold the franchise,[52] especially industrial workers and the bourgeoisie.[67]
Charles abdicated in favor of his grandson, the Comte de Chambord, and left for England. However, the liberal, bourgeois-controlled Chamber of Deputies refused to confirm the Comte de Chambordas Henri V. In a vote largely boycotted by conservative deputies, the body declared the French throne vacant, and elevated Louis-Philippe, Duke of Orléans, to power.
[edit]The Fall of the Restoration, 1827–1830
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There is still considerable debate among historians as to the actual cause of the downfall ofCharles X. What is generally conceded, though, is that between 1820 and 1830, a series of economic downturns combined with the rise of a liberal opposition within the Chamber of Deputies ultimately felled the conservative Bourbons.[68]
Between 1827 and 1830, France faced an economic downturn, industrial and agricultural, that was possibly worse than the one that sparked the Revolution of 1789. A series of progressively worsening grain harvests in the late 1820s pushed up the prices on various staple foods and cash crops.[69] In response, the rural peasantry throughout France lobbied for the relaxation of protective tariffs on grain in order to lower prices and ease their economic situation. However, Charles X, bowing to pressure from wealthier landowners, kept the tariffs in place. He did so based upon the Bourbon response to 1816–1817, during which Louis XVIIIrelaxed tariffs during a series of famines, caused a downturn in prices, and incurred the ire of wealthy landowners, the traditional source of Bourbon legitimacy. Thus, peasants throughout France between 1827 and 1830 faced a period of relative economic hardship and rising prices.
At the same time, international pressures combined with weakened purchasing power from the provinces led to decreased economic activity in urban centers. This industrial downturn contributed to rising poverty levels among Parisian artisans. By 1830, then, multiple demographics had suffered from the economic policies of Charles X.
While the French economy faltered, a series of elections brought a relatively powerful liberal bloc into the Chamber of Deputies. The 17-strong liberal bloc of 1824 grew to 180 in 1827, and 274 in 1830. This liberal majority grew increasingly dissatisfied with the policies of the centristMartignac and the Ultra-Royalist Polignac, seeking to protect the limited protections of the Charter of 1814. They sought the expansion of the franchise, and more liberal economic policies. They also demanded the right, as the majority bloc, to appoint the Prime Minister and the Cabinet.
Also, the growth of the liberal bloc within the Chamber of Deputies corresponded roughly with the rise of a liberal press within France. Generally centered around Paris, this press provided a counterpoint to the government's journalistic services, and to the newspapers of the right. It grew increasingly important in conveying political opinions and the political situation to the Parisian public, and can thus be seen as a crucial link between the rise of the liberals and the increasingly agitated and economically suffering French masses.
Thus, by 1830, the Restoration government of Charles X faced difficulties on all sides. The new liberal majority clearly had no intention of budging in the face of Polignac's aggressive policies. The rise of a liberal press within Paris that outsold the official government newspaper indicated a general shift in Parisian politics towards the left. And yet, Charles' base of power was certainly toward the right of the political spectrum, as were his own views. He simply could not yield to the growing demands from within the Chamber of Deputies. The situation would soon come to a head.
